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Iraqis wanted to topple the system, but taboos fell instead
BAGHDAD, Feb 18, 2020 (BSS/AFP) – Mocking clerics, falling in love at
rallies and mending a broken society: even if Iraq’s young protesters have
failed to overthrow entrenched politicians, they have scored by shattering
decades-old taboos.
Since October, the country of 40 million has been rocked by a historically
large grassroots movement with big goals: ending corruption, unaccountable
sectarian parties and overreach from neighbouring Iran.
Prime Minister Adel Abdel Mahdi resigned in December, only to be replaced
by ex-minister Mohammad Allawi, slammed by protesters as too close to the
ruling elite.
But what they have so far been unable to win politically, demonstrators
have made up for with social change.
“We scored one goal by bringing down the government, but socially we
achieved much more,” said Ali Khraybit, 28.
His best friend just proposed to a girl he met marching in Baghdad’s Tahrir
Square, the anti-government movement’s epicentre.
Like other squares across Iraq’s mainly-Shiite south, Tahrir has become a
social experiment, a free space where conservative norms have been toppled.
Youth chant against a once-untouchable cluster of politicians and
paramilitary commanders, and women spend nights in tents next to adult men.
Students defy orders to return to class and neighbourhoods once seen as
dangerous are buzzing with people en route to demonstrate.
Slogans like “Forget outdated traditions,” “End classism” and “No more
differences” are trending on Twitter in Iraq.
“Tahrir lets us dream,” wrote one activist whose friend — who ekes out a
living driving a rickshaw — had fallen in love with a medic from a
prestigious family.
– ‘More to life than surviving’ –
Since the 1970s, Iraq has endured Saddam Hussein’s authoritarian regime,
back-to-back wars and devastating sanctions that isolated it from the world.
There were few cellular phones and barely any internet access until the
2003 US-led invasion that collapsed Saddam’s nominally secular regime.
Sectarian fighting gave rise to hardline Shiite and Sunni militias as
society became more divided and religious.
When Iraq defeated the Islamic State group in 2017 after years of fighting
and displacement, many anticipated long-overdue peace and prosperity.
“The young generation was in a coma for many years, but stability opened
their eyes to the truth: there is more to life than just surviving,” said
protester Ahmad Haddad, 32.
“There’s living in dignity in a civil society, breaking conservative norms
and loosening the grip of religious parties,” said Haddad.
But instead of easing into normality, it was a sudden uprising that
transformed Iraq.
Hiyyam Shayea, a 50-year-old teacher in protest-hit Diwaniyah province,
can testify to that.
“There were some huge, surprising changes to a lot of social affairs,”
said Shayea, wearing a traditional black robe at a recent rally in her
hometown.
Such a stance had long been unimaginable in the south, where tribal customs
trump federal law and restrict women’s public role.
But it has come at a high price. Around 550 people have been killed and
30,000 wounded in protest-related violence.
“That was all for a homeland — one that’s civilised and civil, not
backwards and outdated,” said Shayea.
– ‘In the end, what did you do?’ –
Some are resisting the changes, describing rallies as hotbeds of
promiscuity, alcohol and drugs, fuelled by the West.
Leading Iraqi cleric Moqtada Sadr has tried to discredit the movement with
such claims, insisting men and women stay separate and protests be “cleaned.”
Women swiftly organised their own rally mocking Sadr, long untouchable
because of his violent past as a militiaman and his diehard followers.
In the protests’ early days, angry crowds slapped shoes against portraits
of paramilitary leaders and Iranian general Qasem Soleimani, who held
tremendous sway in Baghdad and was never publicly criticised.
Soleimani was later killed in a US strike.
Demonstrators also railed against “muhassassa,” the sectarian power-sharing
system governing Iraq after Saddam.
Few current protesters are old enough to remember Saddam — 60 percent of
the population is under 25 — and blame their elders for Iraq’s slide into
broken politics.
The rallies exposed “a huge rift” between the two generations, Iraqi
researcher Khaled Hamza told AFP.
“We’re in the middle of a spontaneous movement by a group of youth who
weren’t expected to be responsible for achieving what our generation
couldn’t,” said Hamza, who is in his 60s.
Protesters recognise it, too. In Baghdad, a woman in a pink headscarf
carried a sign: “In the end, I made a revolution. What did you do?”
Further south in oil-rich Basra, Heba, a protester in her 20s, said the
rallies have changed her.
“They strengthened our personalities, made us distinguish between right
and wrong and demand our rights,” she said.
The movement is now at a crossroads: numbers have dwindled as activists
face an intimidation campaign and parties seek to recapture momentum with a
new cabinet.
“Now, it’s time to unite under a new vision, a plan that addresses Iraqis’
needs,” said protester Mohammad al-Ajeel.
“What’s happening is huge, but it’s new for us. We can’t expect everything
to happen overnight,” said Ajeel, a businessman living between Iraq and the
UAE.
“It may need years.”
BSS/AFP/RY/1805 hrs